By Julia Lynch
This booklet asks why a few international locations commit the lion's proportion in their social coverage assets to the aged, whereas others have a extra balanced repertoire of social spending. faraway from being the result of calls for for welfare spending by way of strong age-based teams in society, the 'age' of welfare is an unintentional final result of how that social courses are manage. the way in which that politicians use welfare country spending to compete for votes, alongside both programmatic or particularistic traces, locks those early institutional offerings into position. So whereas society is altering - getting older, divorcing, relocating out and in of the exertions strength over the existence direction in new methods - social guidelines don't evolve to trap up. the outcome, in occupational welfare states like Italy, the U.S., and Japan, is social spending that favors the aged and leaves working-aged adults and youngsters mostly to fend for themselves.
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Additional info for Age in the Welfare State: The Origins of Social Spending on Pensioners, Workers, and Children (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics)
10, which reveal a very large imbalance in favor of the elderly in indirect social beneﬁts, indicate that the overall balance between age groups may not have changed all that much in Australia since 1986. Rather, subsidization of the elderly seems to be increasingly undertaken through the tax system, while support for the non-elderly continues to ﬂow through direct expenditures. A time series in tax expenditures dating from before the pension reform would be invaluable in conﬁrming or refuting this possibility.
14 2 Measuring the Age of Welfare Welfare states clearly work to transfer resources between age groups, not least through pay-as-you-go old-age pensions, which account for one-ﬁfth to one-half of total social spending in most countries of the OECD. But the elderly in different countries beneﬁt to varying extents not only from crossnational differences in the generosity of pension beneﬁts, but also from differences in other policy areas, such as housing and health care. 2 In particular, we know very little about how social provisions for different age groups vary across welfare state types, across countries, or across time.
But while this contribution was an important ﬁrst step toward the goal of measuring the age orientation of social policy, a restricted sample size and highly aggregate spending data limited the analysis. Meyer and Moon (1988) and Jencks and Torrey (1988) expanded the categories of analysis beyond the conﬁnes of social insurance spending but, as did O’Higgins (1988) and Pampel (1994), compared the situations of only the elderly and children, leaving out the middle ground of adulthood, where contemporary welfare states have had such widely varying success in adjusting to changes in employment and family patterns.
Age in the Welfare State: The Origins of Social Spending on Pensioners, Workers, and Children (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics) by Julia Lynch